The New York Mafia: The Origins of the New York Mob

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Stango's case stands among the latest federal prosecutions of New Jersey Mafia figures, showing that despite the rise of other gangs, the old mob is still active in the Garden State. The latest "organized crime spotlight" report issued by the state focused instead on the notoriously violent street gang MS He estimated up to associates are active in the state, down from at their peak in the late s and early s. Curators' Corner. Ask Smithsonian. Photos Submit to Our Contest.

A dirty, rotten, double crossing (true) story of what happened to the Italian American mob

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Address 1. That meant the project would never face costly construction or delivery delays. FBI agents subpoenaed Trump in to ask about his dealing with John Cody, a Teamsters official described by law enforcement as a very close associate of the Gambino crime family. The FBI believed that Cody previously had obtained free apartments from other developers. FBI agents suspected that Cody, who controlled the flow of concrete trucks, might get a free Trump Tower apartment.

Trump denied it.

In the summer of Cody, then under indictment, ordered a citywide strike—but the concrete work continued at Trump Tower. Trump then quickly settled, paying the woman a half-million dollars. Trump said at the time and since then that he hardly knew those involved and there was nothing improper his dealings with Cody or the woman. In , when Trump hired a demolition contractor to take down the Bonwit Teller department store to make way for Trump Tower, he hired as many as non-union men to work alongside about 15 members of the House Wreckers Union Local At least some of them did not use power tools but sledgehammers, working 12 hours a day or more and often seven days a week.

Many slept on the construction site. Normally the use of nonunion workers at a union job site would have guaranteed a picket line. Not at this site, however. Work proceeded because the Genovese family principally controlled the union; this was demonstrated by extensive testimony, documents and convictions in federal trials, as well as a later report by the New York State Organized Crime Task Force.

Mob NJ: The Mafia is still here, tied to Port Newark and the suburbs

When the Polish workers and a union dissident sued for their pay and benefits, Trump denied any knowledge that illegal workers without hard hats were taking down Bonwit with sledgehammers. The trial, however, demonstrated otherwise: Testimony showed that Trump panicked when the nonunion Polish men threatened a work stoppage because they had not been paid. I reacted by saying to Donald that 'I think you are nuts,'" Sullivan testified at the time. In , a federal judge, Charles E. Stewart Jr. The case was later settled by negotiation, and the agreement was sealed. From the beginning, Trump tried to have it both ways. In April of , when he was considering building a New Jersey casino, he expressed concern about his reputation in a meeting with the FBI, according to an FBI document in my possession and which the site Smoking Gun also posted. Part of the licensing process was supposed to be a deep investigation into his background, taking more than a year for would-be casino owners, but Trump managed to cut that short.

Trump seemingly paid Degnan back by becoming an ardent foe of gambling anywhere in the East except Atlantic City—a position that obviously protected his newfound business investment as well, of course. Trump was required to disclose any investigations in which he might have been involved in the past, even if they never resulted in charges.

The failure to disclose either that inquiry or the Cody inquiry probably should have disqualified Trump from receiving a license under the standards set by the gaming authorities. Trump denied any misconduct or testified that he could not remember. They took him at his word. That meant his casino license was secure even though others in the gambling industry, including low-level licensees like card dealers, had been thrown out for far less.

This lapse illustrated a fundamental truth about casino regulation at the time: Once the state licensed an owner, the Division of Gaming Enforcement had a powerful incentive not to overturn its initial judgment. State officials recited like a mantra their promise that New Jersey casinos were the most highly regulated business in American history, more tightly regulated than nuclear power plants.